Politicomaniac

Archive for the ‘Current Affairs’ Category

Phone Hacking

Wednesday, July 13th, 2011

Why was this a government matter in the first place? Don’t we have a free press?

Media plurality is completely separated from criminal law – and quite rightly! The OFCOM acquisition guidance, including the much mentioned “fit and proper” test, doesn’t go into details of an owner’s criminal record, as it’s all about making sure there’s a responsible, diverse set of media outlets distributing news. OFCOM looks at the proprietor’s conduct while running other broadcast media channels to see if they stick to the rules, and as such, a parliamentary debate isn’t allowed (under competition law) to prohibit Murdoch from buying the rest of Bskyb, and why they had to simply apply pressure until he backed off (as he did, in spectacular fashion, this afternoon). Parliament is still sovereign, of course, but in order to interfere it would have to repeal competition law, which would also (probably) involve leaving the EU, which would be a much busier afternoon!

But some people DID break the law…

Criminal behaviour is something completely different to plurality, and is dealt with by the Police not a regulator-QANGO. There was, however, a problem where the police failed to fully investigate suspected crimes including voicemail hacking and bribery of police officers, and that’s why we’ve got ourselves an independent judicial enquiry that can pull in former Met officers and quiz them alongside the journalists and politicians. In the meantime, the Met have got their act together and are also investigating the hacking itself, finally, too.

What’s to be done about all this?!

Finally, in addition to all of this, we have people calling for new regulation of the Media. I was lucky enough to attend a Westminster Skeptics meeting on Monday, and a few interesting points were raised about how this should (or should not!) be done.

Firstly what I’d like to point out that if existing criminal laws had been followed, or if the police had done a real investigation in 2002, most of the horrible bits of this wouldn’t have happened – all the victims of the nations tragedies wouldn’t have had their privacy invaded and been hounded by the gutter press.

Of course, politicians would still be cozying up to media barrons like Murdoch, which isn’t a healthy state of affairs anywhere, and that’s one bonus of the judicial enquiry – the full nature of this unconstitutional relationship will be exposed, and the next election might not be about getting the Sun on your side.

But in particular, one WesSkep speaker David Allen Green said that existing media laws (namely the policial neutrality laws and libel law) were a strong enough framework already, and that with proper police investigations all would be well. I would only differ from this slightly — Libel law is not universally assailable (it costs a lot to get into suing people!) nor universally applicable (it is impossible to defame an idea, hence the legitimacy of the No2AV campaign full of downright lies,) and as such doesn’t really work as a proper regulator to make sure media coverage is not dangerously misleading at times.

These are not insurmountable problems though, and with appropriate access and reframing I think a response-based system of regulation could work. It sure beats an even quasi-governmental censor for individual stories because, as Mill argued, restricting freedom of speech cannot be satisfactorily distinguished from restricting freedom of thought, which we can plainly never do.

Edit: Nick Clegg gave a speech on this today, and I agree with Nick.

Archbishops and Anarchists

Thursday, June 9th, 2011

From the media reporting, you would think that the Archbishop of Canterbury had been kettled and arrested for a public order offence alongside Penny Red and her network of assorted Anarchist Irregulars. However, the well mannered treatise on democratic theory (with a bit of applied theology thrown in at the end for good measure) that appeared in the New Statesman is a far cry from an Anarchist rallying call. He makes some real substantive points, mostly in a paragraph which begins “Incidentally, …”, and I’ll try and pick out the true from the false (without letting my enmity for St. Paul get in the way.)

Firstly, he is right in summarising IDS’ botched and rigged work programme, and the draconian changed to disability benefits (the case for which the DWP and ONS are regularly found to exaggerate – when corrected they are even rumoured to have said “well, it’s still quite a lot…”).

He is also perfectly correct to say that the British people did not vote for any NHS reform. All three parties manifestos, and even the coalition agreement, were firm in their commitment to “no top-down reorganisation;” something Paul Burstow and Andrew Lansley conveniently ignored when drawing up the white paper last summer. He may be premature though, as we haven’t yet seen what changes the government has decided to make to the Health and Social Care Bill in the pause triggered by a combination of Lib Dem pressure and #March26ers- you never know, it might be good news! (maybe)

Finally, he is completely wrong to call free-schools a ‘radical, long-term polic[y] for which no one voted’ – they were in the Tory manifesto, and widely discussed during the election campaign! Or maybe he’s talking about the Pupil Premium, which he bemoans the non-existence of later in the post, when complaining that there are no youth services protected from the cuts as permanent fixtures of long term investment. I agree the government could do more there, but he’s wrong not to mention that, thanks to the Lib Dems, there are some bits that already are shielded, not that Labour in local government aren’t trying to undo that work.

All in all, it’s not a bad little article, apart from him claiming that all left wing political philosophy is inspired by theology these days, and failing to acknowledge IDS’ firm religious basis for his ghastly decision to screw over many people on IB and DLA. I’m sure if he were to ever have the guts to stand for election, Dr. Williams would do fine.

NHS Conkers

Friday, March 18th, 2011

There are many Lib Dem concerns with the Coalition Government’s NHS white paper (cached – note, crown copyright.) Some of them were documented in the motion we passed at spring conference last weekend (cached.)

To summarise, the white paper provides some evidence as to why the NHS is “failing” and needs to be “fixed”, and then lays out a radical reorganisation (most famously including replacing the quasi-local civil service bodies called Primary Care Trusts, of which there are about 150, with consortia of local GPs set up as private companies.)

Firstly, the “failing”.

The coalition criticises medical outcomes and some of their criticism, for example on cancer survival rates, is statistically valid. However they have made (and continue to make) big bones about heart failure deaths, in comparison to France, and this is lies, damn lies and statistics of the worst kind.

I will give an executive summary of a British Medical Journal rebuttal to Lansley’s nonsense, although I encourage you to read the paper. Firstly, we should point out the rates of improvement on this measure. While the 2005 headline figure is that the UK has double the death rate than France, this fails to see that rates are dropping more than twice as fast here, and are set to overtake France (and thus become the best in Europe) by 2012. We were then in the middle of the European OECD field on this measure, and improving among the fastest. Finally, a fact not in the source, it also neglects that we count sudden unexplained deaths as heart attacks, which the French don’t.

In addition, Lansley frequently says we need to improve efficiency by cutting bureaucracy in the NHS, but again, looking at the numbers, this doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. The NHS is actually one of the most efficient health providers in the OECD – we spend less on bureaucracy – at 3.3 % – than Australia (at 4.2%,) Germany (5.6%,) or the USA (7.3%;) all more marketised health systems. This is mainly because it’s more efficient to just deliver services than to spend all your cash calculating how to exclude the expensive patients, as happens in the USA, and as would have happened here if the coalition hadn’t rolled back on price competition.

Secondly, the “fixing”

Even a spoonful of sugar won’t help this medicine go down. The government’s plans, not in the coalition agreement nor any party’s manifesto in 2010, go far beyond anything required to open up the NHS to local democracy (as the Lib Dems have always argued is required) and constitutes a full reorganisation of commissioning, and the transfer of many (admittedly woefully unaccountable) public bodies’ powers to closed, private GP consortia.

Not only will this reorganisation cost £2Bn, it will also create massive inefficiencies while the system compensates for “learning” the new structures; it breaks a manifesto pledge from both governing parties not to apply a top-down reorganisation, and won’t open the new structures up to adequate scrutiny. In short, it does the opposite of what it says on the tin.

Finally, what we can do about it

The Lib Dem position on this is clear from the motion; the bill needs to be amended to remove the marketisation and to include much more local accountability on commissioning and other decisions. Preferably the amended plans will not contain any reorganisation, except perhaps adding an elected head of the PCTs. If these conditions aren’t met, Lib Dem MPs are under obligation from their conference (see the motion above) to vote down the bill, since it was not in the coalition agreement and it is against Lib Dem policy.

The Labour position is less clear. The last government should have been happy with some parts of the bill (the bits the Lib Dems would leave in,) like making all hospitals “Foundation Trusts” (bodies that have marginally more freedom in commissioning,) although who knows what they think of local variation in services (they, and their supporters, seem to oppose local innovation in all forms labelling it a “postcode lottery”.)

From a game-plan point of view, assuming the government applies some fig-leaf changes in response to Lib Dem concerns and ploughs on, a rejection of the bill at final stage isn’t that bad an outcome. Yes, the system will need to be revisited almost straight away, but it will mean the resignation of the already widely discredited Lansley, the dreadful Ms Milton, and (assuming he didn’t resign at the final vote) the Lib Dems’ Paul Burstow. This will allow new ministers to come in and negotiate a proper set of policies which achieve more reasonable aims and deliver the accountability and flexibility our Health Service needs, our patients deserve, and that this government should have proposed in the first place.

NHS Conkers

At the moment Labour are seeking to derail the whole bill, although oddly the opposition day debate yesterday ran a motion applauding the aims of the legislation (while rightly slating the implementation,) and only requiring it be paused. Labour MPs then proceeded to play NHS Conkers with the Torys, to much jeering and general nonsense, ranting against many things which the bill does not do (or rather, shouldn’t if the government gets the wording right according to its own objectives,) like threaten the obligation of universal coverage or allow private companies to make huge profits out of the new commissioning arrangements, leaving the NHS to pick up the more expensive cases. The only speeches I found remotely listenable to were those made by the two Lib Dems who spoke (other than Simon Hughes early interventions;) John Pugh from Southport, who shut the house up with his appeal for help from the Labour benches to apply effective and targeted pressure to the government, and another whose name I can’t find (please comment if you know who it was.)

If Labour are serious about attempting to improve this bill, and rejecting it if the government resists, they need to up their game. Let’s see some hard work in committee, in the Lords, and finally in the last few Commons debates in 3rd reading, to either get the amendments all reasonable people in the house want to see applied, or to ultimately defeat it and oust the useless team who foisted it on us.

It will take the Labour health front benchers quite a lot of nerve and effort, and they’ll have to drop this pointlessly obstinate stance, if this is going to work. Stop playing conkers with people’s most treasured national asset, come in from the playground and let’s solve this problem like grown-ups please; calmly and effectively.

Make it matter where you put your cross: my entry

Wednesday, March 2nd, 2011

So, this other blog had an awesome idea – find a way to explain AV so that it’s so simple even children understand. Now, my entry is not that good…but I’ve posting it up here nice and early to raise people’s attention to the competition – Design your own! Surely you can do better than stick figures and overused internet memes!

Anyway, here it is (click on it to enlarge…), shamelessly plagiarised from a video I can no longer find that was called “first past the post ice cream,” and recast in a different format.

EDIT: see below for the FPTP ice cream video by Paul Perrin.

Lord Prescott opposes AV because it is bad for his party (even though it isn’t)

Thursday, February 17th, 2011

Well, at least he’s honest about it! Prescott on Newsnight was destroyed by Paddy Ashdown where he dedicated his No2AV airtime on explaining why the new electoral system is bad for the Labour Party. He didn’t do it very well, of course, because here’s the truth; AV is worse for all three of the big westminster parties under one measure (proportion of first preference votes), and the same under the other (the number of seats parties will actually win.)

For a start, Prescott’s arguments were aimed at the Electoral Reform Bill itself, not the proposed new electoral system; he is cross that Labour aren’t in government (sore loser) and is opposing this bill because he doesn’t like who’s proposing it. Ad Hominem woot.

Next, he said that not having a turnout threshold was undemocratic, despite the fact that Labour have never implemented any such measure when drafting similar constitutional legislation for devolution in both Scotland and Wales.

He went on to claim that AV will deliver more coalitions which is false; it is not any more proportional than FPTP (although it does allow more accurate measurement of what the proportions of votes actually are; since it allows people to express a first preference for the first time.) His parting shot was to claim that the current AV coalition in Australia is evidence that AV delivers coalitions, forgetting that FPTP gave us this one, our current government.

The utter ridiculousness of his partisan and embittered position shocks me, since in the past I have looked on him with mild favour; a politician of the people. Either the unelected chamber has changed him, or he was always this partisan and I didn’t notice.

AV is bad for Labour, as I’ve said, in exactly the same way that it’s bad for the other large parties. The red and blue teams have held on to people’s votes for many years by presenting themselves as the only two options. The rise of the Lib Dems (6.8 million votes in 2010 compared to Labour’s 8.6 million and the Tories’ 10.7 million,) arguably and the Green Party (0.28 million votes) for sure has been artificially reduced by this effect; “so-and-so can’t win here” is shamefully common to all the parties’ campaigning strategies.

Under AV we will see the share of the Green Party and the other small national parties go up, since people will be able to express their first preference support for them while still voting for a candidate who can actually win in their area*; this could well (“accidentally”) see many formerly safe seats come into play, as people’s real first preferences are finally revealed, and tactical voting is finally dead and buried.

Thus, Lord Prescott, while one third of the commons currently gives 50% of votes to a single MP, this is much less likely under AV since people will have much more diverse choice of “viable” candidates to receive their vote; the squeeze tactics which might deliver second preferences and seats will not deliver first preferences any more, and so the under-duress 50% of many MPs will go down the plughole.

I think the difference between AV and FPTP is the same as that between a free and whipped vote in the House of Commons. Under AV, you are free to vote for whomever you like, while still influencing the result; under first past the post you can vote for a longshot candidate but you won’t get anywhere doing so, i.e. by exercising your democratic right you are stripped of it, just as minister who privately opposes a bill has to decide whether to give up their position of power in exchange for trying to block a piece of legislation they oppose.

Come on Lord Prescott, put your partisan hat over there and help give the British Public a free vote on election day. You’ll still win as many seats, and you’ll be able to beat Tories in places you never dreamed before, in exchange for letting people declare that “no, in fact, I am not a Labour Party loyalist, but they can have my 2nd preference, because I prefer them to the Tories.”

* Note that the argument that the Green Party will be able to win more first preference votes doesn’t translate into seats; this isn’t proportional representation. The same goes for the other national small parties; the BNP, UKIP, etc won’t win seats under AV unless lots more people vote for them in one constituency together. This isn’t true for the Welsh and Scottish nationalist parties, nor for Northern Irish politics, where the sheer concentration of votes for parties that are small on a national scale makes seats winnable; this is why they have many more seats (than the Green Party, for example) in the first place, and this won’t change under AV.