Politicomaniac

Archive for the ‘Economy’ Category

Metablog: Debt or No Debt?

Monday, October 24th, 2011

this is a response to Henry Tam’s post “Debt or No Debt”

Cameron was talking about paying off personal debt and banks leading to businesses not individuals, so it’s actually not a contradiction.

Debt isn’t that much of a problem if you know how to pay it off; the problem was the deficit. Because Osbourne’s “plan A” (or “non-plan”) isn’t producing the growth he required, we’re still borrowing an NHS every year, just as Labour left things; the opposite of knowing how to pay it off, we’re uncontrollably borrowing more and more!

The real problem with Labour’s borrowing wasn’t their spending post 2008. Once the debt was huge and a crash happened, they were kind of pinned – Bailing out banks, stimulus, and QE were all sensible things to do.

The real problem was the fact that they ran a boom-time deficit from 2002 onwards (the very opposite of Keynesianism) and this when the crash happened we still had a massive debt and had trouble borrowing more to fix things without taking a credit rating hit (and thus paying more interest; quite important when you have a huge debt!)

While Scameron and Gideon, playing pin the tail on the boar (ish market,) might not be doing much to help, I much prefer them (and Vince and his “plan A+”) at the helm than Milliband and Balls, who were part of the team that ruined everything in the first place, and don’t seem to have learned from it. Bring back Alistair Darling, who actually had a deficit reduction plan, and you might persuade me.

You’re right on the causes of the current problem, although the structural problems you describe were all legacies from Labour (lack of lending to businesses from the post-crash credit squeeze, etc) and while I agree with you on more redistributive tax (which thanks to the Lib Dems this government is extending (10k threshold) and maintaining (50p rate)) I don’t believe that leaving a massive deficit running, to the point where it takes the 50 years you describe to finally pay it all off, is a sustainable solution.

This century is going to be harder than the last, as we have an environmental as well as an economic crisis to fix. Burying our heads in the sand and saying “la la la” while the debt mounts won’t fix that.

A Cheaper Stimulus

Saturday, March 26th, 2011

Nonlinearity

Let me first point out what I mean by nonlinear, because I’m using it in a technical sense. A nonlinear function is a mathematical expression that feeds into itself, e.g.

f = x^2 + 3x + f^\frac{1}{2}

Now, it may be that something like the above can be easily re-arranged to give you a linear equation (where you have a straight f on one side at some xs on the other,) but assuming you can’t this is a nonlinear equation; you can’t find f when given x without iterating through your calculation lots of times, and seeing if you converge on an answer or not.

So, a nonlinear thing, is something that feeds into itself and converges to a value, rather than just being simple, or linear, to solve. Economies are nonlinear: activity (jobs, and salaries) gives people spending power, which stimulates more activity (people hired to make stuff to sell to the people will salaries), and confidence breeds confidence. In short the economy feeds into its own equation.

Keynesian Stimulus

Next we need to understand Stimulus. The economic left love to talk about the ideas of a Liberal Peer from the 1940s called Keynes, and his economic theory (from back in the 30s, when he was a civil servant) concerning how governments could fix economic problems (like the great depression of the 30s.) They often confuse what Keynes actually said with a modern narrative, so let me pull out the differences briefly.

Modern Keynesianism is the idea that a government should constantly spend money in order to keep an economy running, regardless of the economic circumstances. Thus the world supposedly divides into “big state”/Keynesian politicians, who want the government to raise lots of taxes to pay for constant stimulus; and “small state”/Neo-conservative politicians, who want to keep taxes to an absolute minimum and let the Market do its thing.

As you can see there is no difference between the two in terms of economic stimulation of the economy; either the government takes a load of money out of the economy and injects it somewhere else, or it leaves the economy to get on with it. There is no net money going in or out, and as such neither really does much, assuming a healthy economy.

Of course if the economy slows down, the government tax receipts go down. This means the “big state” government can’t afford to pay for all its staff or projects, and so it must either cut spending or borrow money to keep spending it. The “small state” government will also have budget problems, but on a much smaller scale, because it wasn’t taking very much in tax, at least compared to the “big state” government.

Now, in the midst of a recession, is where Keynes’ theory really applies. It says that, because economies are non-linear, government can borrow money in a recession/depression and spend it*, stimulating activity and jump-starting the process.

Note that the Keynesian Stimulus is temporary, and debt fuelled. It explicitly adds money to the economy over a fixed period of time, and hopes that people will have the confidence to spend that money and stimulate more activity. You don’t need to keep adding the stimulus, because the self-feeding equation should be building up again (assuming your stimulus was big enough to work, i.e. to give people the confidence to spend.)

A Cheaper Stimulus?

So, the coalition narrative is that Labour didn’t pay off enough debt during the boom, so there now isn’t enough overdraft-headroom for a Keynesian stimulus. Given the size of the stimulus that would be required, this is possibly true, but I’m not going to get into attacking or defending the ConDems (today, of all days, March the 26th).

One way to stimulate nonlinear growth is to inject money, as we’ve seen. But another way is to inject confidence. One of the things I looked at in my last Capitalism Explored post is what the point of a company is; the conclusion being not to make a profit but to do stuff; produce a good, provide a service. If the government is serious about basing its forecasts on massive private sector growth, then it needs to inject confidence into the economy on a monumental scale; and that means getting people to do stuff, themselves, in small private ventures all over the land.

It isn’t a case of pandering to big companies to get them to create jobs for you. Neither the government nor the people should be fooled by that implicit assumption in our national political discourse; don’t let the “fat cats;” whether politicians or venture capitalists, be the roadblock to growth that you can make, yourself, at home, by creating your own job (and possibly, later, jobs for other people too) by starting a small business or social enterprise to meet a need in your area. Now I appreciate that this will not be for everyone, but it doesn’t need to be everyone to have an effect. Running companies (whether for profit or not) is hard to do well, so only a small number of crazy people will ever want to take the plunge even in good times, let alone bad.

But this is where the government’s action in the stimulus comes in. Not just in Enterprise Zones (although those will be good places to start) the government needs to provide the resources people need to find out about starting their own small enterprise. Sample forms, example cashflow spreadsheets, free advice and drop-in centres, an agressive advertising campaign selling the package to people. This will cost far far less than the Keynesian stimulus, especially with modern communication technology as it is, and if it’s well-executed it could yield similar results in increased economic activity, and result in a more diversified and flexible country for us all, more immune from the ebb and flow of particular global markets, and less exposed to the kind of debt contagions we’ve seen still echoing through EU economies since 2008.

I will go on, in another post, to explain why social enterprise trumps profit based ventures in this field, in my opinion. I believe whichever model people choose though, that this stimulus, if applied correctly, could be a way of making a big society, run for and by local people everywhere, grow up out of the ashes of the coalition’s painful, damaging, sometimes-necessary public sector cutbacks.

* Keynes was non-specific about what to spend it on – literally anything would work, he argues. One example is burying money: pay civil servants to head out onto public land all over the country and bury pound coins. People will then set up enterprises to dig up the coins; pay each other to do it, suddenly everyone wants to buy a shovel, and so on, and at the end of it all they’ll have pound coins with which to buy stuff that people make.

More nuanced thinking tells you that it might be good to have a useful national asset at the end of the stimulus; so order the building of football stadia or new roads; rather than churned up fields you have useful things that facilitate further economic activity later, and assets that the state can sell to pay of the debt it incurred building them. This thinking is why there are many abandoned sports facilities all over the developing world; because they chose football stadia over roads when there was no economic substructure to support an entertainment-based football industry.

Prejudice

Thursday, December 23rd, 2010

Pre-judice. Judging in advance.

I was at an early Christmas dinner last weekend, and since most of the people at it voted Lib Dem in May, being of generic left wing principals (apart from the Marxist come real-estate management lecturer, who is of extreme left wing principals, and who probably didn’t vote Lib Dem!) I was cross examined over the coalition.

It seems the only thing that the people at such gatherings want to hear is that you are thinking of leaving the yellows and joining the reds (or greens); no other answer is really acceptable.

After denouncing the MPs who broke their pledge by abstaining or voting for the fee rise (not for voting that way, mind, but for signing the pledge when they didn’t mean it) I tried to explain why the policy is, actually, an improvement on the current system. They were having none of it; it was marketisation, no poor family would ever send a child to uni again, etc.

The details of the policy didn’t seem to matter; conversation turned to my character and how could I abandon my opposition to Toryism so easily to defend everything “they” do.

Never mind that it’s also us doing it; that Vince wrote that incrementally better Fee repayment system, such that only 40% of the new higher fees will ever be payed back (and allowed part time students to obtain subsidised loan funding too,) or that it’s Nick guaranteeing that we will end Child detention by May 2011 (a year too late, but better than the red blue, blue red never).

Following all that, the conversation turned to that heartless alien species, the Conservative MP. The discourse was something like this (I am recalling several hours later, so I am only giving the gist):

Why do they wreck all our public services every time they win power? Is it (as we all secretly suspect) because they will gain personally when the contracts are handed out?
No, of course not. The idea that markets improve things inherently is their ideology; they are genuinely trying to improve things. They’re only wrong, not evil.

This argument; that tories are more likely to be sparing for personal gain than Labour, is incredibly prejudiced. The intolerance for people who hold different political ideals struck me hard, and I had to leave the room.

I don’t object to people holding political opinions of any stripe, nor to them arguing and debating. But saying that, in general, your political opponents are more likely to break the political covenant between electors and the elected, which is sometimes called public service, is ridiculous. The expenses scandal was an example of personal greed and MPs from every party were hit by their wrongdoing.

Conservatives think that the Market can make people more prosperous in more areas than Labour. The Lib Dems don’t take sides and judge each situation by the yardstick of freedom, rather than an economic dogma. Now that’s a little partial, but it does roughly spell out the positions of the parties fairly.

We are all centrists these days, no matter how hard whoever is in opposition tries to deny it. The differences between the major parties are small. Labour introduced tuition fees, the Tories finished them off. The three largest agree on multilateral, rather than unilateral, nuclear disarmament (we only fight over the types and numbers of warheads). None of the major parties is currently proposing privatisation of health, nor the renationalisation of rail.

We are all centrists now, and if you voted for one of the big three the difference between them is economic implementation fiddlyness. Pretending otherwise is nonsense, and being snooty about toryism is just…well, it’s turning the tables, that’s for sure.

And so the pain begins

Monday, October 25th, 2010

There is something important we should all bear in mind over the next few weeks as the coalition’s CSR is picked over. It will be shown to be fair and unfair, progressive and regressive, liberal and authoritarian, environmentalist and industrialist, no doubt. But remember that this is everyone’s plan. Both the governing parties and the official opposition proposed this, and that while there will be legitimate debate over detail, there is only one MP who stood on a genuinely alternative platform; Caroline Lucas.

The Labour party will be spinning the overall effect of this review as negative, ideological, unnecessary and insane, a rerun of the 1980s. There is one important difference between 2010 and 1979; the size of the deficit. In the 60s and 70s Labour had the courage to put up tax to pay for it’s policies; the deficit was only 4% of GDP by 1979, while now it is nearer 10%*. In contrast, Gordon Brown actually reduced income tax (22% to 20%), apart from those on very low incomes for whom it increased with the abolition of the 10p rate, while massively increasing spending. He half paid for some of the changes; charging students fees was one example, and he did reasonably well at raising petrol taxes to push people onto alternative fuels, although we all know how that ended (he put the cart before the horse; making petrol painfully expensive without providing a viable alternative first.)

New Labour were, in short, too cowardly to make people pay for their big state. Now I am no small statist, I defer to Einstein (“things should be as simple as possible, but no more,”) but big or small state you have to pay for it by taxing people. Labour hid their budgetary black hole in a huge gravitational well, that of the housing bubble, so that it only became detectable after the supernova had become a remnant. Alistair Darling’s plan (which lets be honest is the only thing Labour would have implemented in place of the Coalition’s plans) was slightly slower deficit reduction, but of the same order of magnitude (cut the whole deficit in 9 years, starting in year 2, rather than over 5 years starting in year 1.)

So, not only were Labour’s plans not that much different from the coalition’s, but they were also the principal cause of the fiscal crisis. Don’t let anyone tell you that the deficit is the fault of bankers, any more than the recession is the fault of the government. Booms and busts are a natural phenomenon, as Marx showed in his one piece of objective research, the best** we can do is save during the former and stimulate during the latter, and hope to mitigate the worst. The last government failed in a fundamental fiscal duty; to save during the boom. These cuts are the reversal of an unsustainable push, borrowed time as well as money, for an ineffective lame duck populist government that should have been ousted in 2001 following tuition fees and 2005 following Iraq.

The British people will have no problem kicking out this coalition in four and a half years, to replace it with god knows what, because it did the unpopular, difficult, unfair and right things.

The next time the Lib Dems get a chance at government, I hope to hell we have a proper shot at it.

* Of course, actually deficit / GDP actually rose to 4% under the tories in ’70-74, and Harold Wilson’s brief second term just wiggled up to 6% and down again. Here is my source for the historical numbers, and here for the modern ones.

** assuming a centrist capitalist perspective. Communism implies a permanent downturn.