Politicomaniac

Archive for the ‘Party Politics’ Category

Gove is fail

Thursday, January 20th, 2011

Part 1: Hypocrite

You all heard it on the Today programme earlier; we have Libertarian Gove (“you can teach whatever you want”) and then we have Stalinist Gove (“but you must teach Churchill on Tuesday mornings”)… Once again this government hasn’t worked out how Localism is supposed to work.

In the first place you need to give people freedom to run a local service however they like (within a minimalist regulatory framework). You need to give them enough money to make that a real freedom, with choices about what to provide, not what to save in the avalanche of cuts.

Then, once you have run “an iteration” (at least a year, probably more in many fields, long enough to collect meaningful success/failure data,) you update the regulations to stop people repeating any dramatic failures, and you publish best practise resources for all the participants, so they can read about the top 15 solutions in detail and emulate the one that is right for their area. There is also scope for peer review of the next years strategic level plans; to have mediocre practitioners forced to justify their choice to continue their own scheme rather than adopt a similar, more successful one.

This is a method for using a population to search a parameter space for innovative ideas to solve a problem. It is not suitable for all problems because some already have loads of success/failure data; so you can provide serious amounts of best practise data off the bat. Education is probably a good example of one of these.

Gove’s interpretation of localism is a strange mixture of opening education up to crazy people (who want to teach that god put the dinosaur skeletons their to tempt us, or something) with imprinting his own prejudice and prescription on the curriculum (the Pope/Shelly, Dickens/Hardy literary sausage-fest.)

Part 2: Idiot

The other problem I have with the Department of Education’s current direction is the emphasis on facts. Spot checking students’ general knowledge is no measure of an education system. If you were to ask me a set of general knowledge questions I would undoubtedly fail dismally, where in contrast to Gove and Gibb’s underlying assumption, I am not a worthless failure according to three of their underlying prejudices (which I’m not going to name, because unlike them I don’t hold those prejudices.)

Feynman was once talking to a bunch of students in South America*. They were discussing the formation of deltas / estuaries and the evolution of rivers, and Feynman asked them for an example of one of these things. They were stumped; and it was up to Feynman to point out to them that they lived next door to the example from which the contents of their text books had been deduced; the Amazon.

This was not, as Gove might argue, a lack of facts. The problem in fact, was too many! The students had been encouraged to memorise large numbers of facts about the geological evolution of rivers and estuaries from a text book, without being examined on their understanding of those facts; the really valuable quantity in education, which enables students form their own arguments and contradict their parents (which is the point of education, obviously**).

There is no way that anyone could know everything anymore; the sum of collective human understanding is too great. Thus, Feynman (and I) argue, you don’t strictly speaking need to remember the longest river in the world or the name of the prime ministers of the nineteenth century (both of which, I am proud to say, I am ignorant of, unless Earl Grey was one of the prime ministers. And that I only know from the packet of tea.) If you need specific situational knowledge, you can look these things up (and we’ve got quite good at making that fast, these days).

No, we need knowledge and skills, in particular the analytical skills to understand and argue with facts. You do not learn maths and science by memorising a list of facts; you learn techniques to practise the theory of maths and science (i.e. logical investigation,) whether that’s the techniques of calculus or how to light a bunsen burner and retain your eyebrows. And where do you learn about argument, rebuttal and refining your language to make your points more effectively? Oh, that’s right in the arts and humanities (whether you are arguing with convincing force that the death of modernism has been greatly exaggerated, or sifting through the facts to prove that JFK was actually killed by aliens***.)

Sadly, in spite of the tories claiming (falsely) that maths and sciences are the most important subjects, which degrees do they have at the DoE? hmm, Gove (English, Oxford) Gibb (Law, Durham) and Loughton (Classical Civilisation, Warwick). The only scientist minister in the department is Sarah Teather (Natural Sciences, Cambridge,) and notice that she isn’t the one calling for a narrowing of the curriculum, and a misplaced emphasis on facts alone.

* sorry, this anecdote is very very vague, but I’ve lost my copy of “Surely you’re joking…” – he may have been talking to or examining the students, and they may not have been asked for an example but rather something technical about sediments. In any case, his point (that facts mean nothing without understanding) is accurate.

** You think I’m joking? The whole of humanity’s progress comes down to people doing things better than their parents did. Being sarcastic at your parents’ prejudices and craziness as a teenager is a solemn and vital duty, just as your childrens’ duty will be too.

*** both noble, but ultimately futile endeavours, alas.

The kernel of activism

Monday, October 25th, 2010

What’s your driving force in politics? What makes you go back to news.bbc or twitter every afternoon/evening?

I ended up in the Lib Dems because of the period in which my political brain awoke. My original activists kernel, the pacifist, environmentalist, egalitarian driving force, was inspired mainly in opposition to Tony Blair who represented everything that was the opposite of those principals.

Over time this kernel evolved (else I might I suppose have joined Labour when Blair stepped down in disgrace,) into something more grounded in principal than mere opposition to Bliarism*. I remember the day I stopped being a pacifist; it was an argument over whether World War Two was justified, in first year at university. My political priorities changed; I began evaluating policy on the measure of personal freedom as well as social justice and environmental impact; and having learned more about the Physics of dynamic systems (and the analogy with market economics and localism) I settled more on the social liberal paradigm; liberal first, with social conscience, rather than the liberal socialist paradigm, which is socialist first. I settled on this having come to the conclusion that equality is worth nothing if devoid of freedom: I would rather live under market liberals than communists.

The most recent part of my kernel development has occurred in the last few months. How would I react to a Tory-Lib Dem coalition? I have voted green, I have voted yellow, in the future I suppose I might vote red. The one party I would never vote for is the blue one. Not only are they economically right wing, the opposite of the egalitarian strain from my earliest political ramblings that has survived pretty much intact to now, but they also have a long and sordid reputation as nationalist (eurosceptic in modern context, and anti-immigration), and authoritarian.

So why didn’t I leave the party in a huff? Well, I wanted to give my ministers a chance to negotiate, I wanted to see what we could do in coalition. Before Ed Milliband was Labour leader there was no reason to jump to the red ship, and I had spent the election period rubbishing the Greens’ policy as only an obsessive politico can. Pluralist, idealist, if anyone was going to give the coalition a fair hearing it was me.

As I watched politics reshape itself around this new political species, the coalition not Eric Pickles, I have seen myself in a mirror. Labour are casting the coalition as a single party, in an echo (or amplification) of the Labservative campaign run by the Lib Dems. Labour activists, and unaffiliated Lib Dem haters, while often in agreement with this blog on policy, have frequently clashed with me on twitter over the role of the Lib Dems in coalition, something not very objectively measurable in spite of at least one good attempt.

What I have learned from the vitriol against the yellows is the unobjective nature of politics, the amount of what I try to articulate to people that is spin rather than substance. The extent to which I mix fact and fiction in arguments, my own duplicity in political antiscience. This process has made me want to be more objective, calculating, economically literate, so that I can face down spin with fully qualified, verifiable facts.

There are of course matters of pure principal to consider occasionally, and I am still a Social Liberal underneath. But we need to start looking at politics, and in particular policy, as a real science again, with answers that are right or wrong, 60% certain to achieve their aims, not “progressive/regressive” or “fair/unfair” which are too wooly to be properly quantified and tested.

So, this is my new political kernel, fresh out of the fires of debate (well, twitter); an environmentalist empiricist social liberal, with a piquant for feminism and world federalism.

What’s your kernel, what drives your arguments, fuels your anger and gives you the energy to blog, leaflet and protest?

*which is like Blairism but with more lying.

And so the pain begins

Monday, October 25th, 2010

There is something important we should all bear in mind over the next few weeks as the coalition’s CSR is picked over. It will be shown to be fair and unfair, progressive and regressive, liberal and authoritarian, environmentalist and industrialist, no doubt. But remember that this is everyone’s plan. Both the governing parties and the official opposition proposed this, and that while there will be legitimate debate over detail, there is only one MP who stood on a genuinely alternative platform; Caroline Lucas.

The Labour party will be spinning the overall effect of this review as negative, ideological, unnecessary and insane, a rerun of the 1980s. There is one important difference between 2010 and 1979; the size of the deficit. In the 60s and 70s Labour had the courage to put up tax to pay for it’s policies; the deficit was only 4% of GDP by 1979, while now it is nearer 10%*. In contrast, Gordon Brown actually reduced income tax (22% to 20%), apart from those on very low incomes for whom it increased with the abolition of the 10p rate, while massively increasing spending. He half paid for some of the changes; charging students fees was one example, and he did reasonably well at raising petrol taxes to push people onto alternative fuels, although we all know how that ended (he put the cart before the horse; making petrol painfully expensive without providing a viable alternative first.)

New Labour were, in short, too cowardly to make people pay for their big state. Now I am no small statist, I defer to Einstein (“things should be as simple as possible, but no more,”) but big or small state you have to pay for it by taxing people. Labour hid their budgetary black hole in a huge gravitational well, that of the housing bubble, so that it only became detectable after the supernova had become a remnant. Alistair Darling’s plan (which lets be honest is the only thing Labour would have implemented in place of the Coalition’s plans) was slightly slower deficit reduction, but of the same order of magnitude (cut the whole deficit in 9 years, starting in year 2, rather than over 5 years starting in year 1.)

So, not only were Labour’s plans not that much different from the coalition’s, but they were also the principal cause of the fiscal crisis. Don’t let anyone tell you that the deficit is the fault of bankers, any more than the recession is the fault of the government. Booms and busts are a natural phenomenon, as Marx showed in his one piece of objective research, the best** we can do is save during the former and stimulate during the latter, and hope to mitigate the worst. The last government failed in a fundamental fiscal duty; to save during the boom. These cuts are the reversal of an unsustainable push, borrowed time as well as money, for an ineffective lame duck populist government that should have been ousted in 2001 following tuition fees and 2005 following Iraq.

The British people will have no problem kicking out this coalition in four and a half years, to replace it with god knows what, because it did the unpopular, difficult, unfair and right things.

The next time the Lib Dems get a chance at government, I hope to hell we have a proper shot at it.

* Of course, actually deficit / GDP actually rose to 4% under the tories in ’70-74, and Harold Wilson’s brief second term just wiggled up to 6% and down again. Here is my source for the historical numbers, and here for the modern ones.

** assuming a centrist capitalist perspective. Communism implies a permanent downturn.

Why you should care about ldconf

Tuesday, September 14th, 2010

Political conferences are all the same aren’t they? A load of mindless political faithful fill some poor town or oblivious city, hide in a conference centre giving stale pre-prepared speeches and then disappear again not to return until the next local by-election, right? Well maybe, I don’t know about the red and blue team conferences. I do know ldconf is different.

There are loads of fringe debates and parties, just like the other conferences, and there are some speeches from front benchers too. But there is also the main purpose of conference for Lib Dems- policy debate.

Lib Dems can submit motions to be debated, selected by an elected committee; everyone gets a chance to submit amendments too. At the conference itself individual members can request to speak in the actual debate. But here’s the really cool bit- the motions form Lib Dem policy. If you can persuade people from the podium, you as an individual member can change the policy of your party. And this is the only place party policy comes from*.

This, surprisingly, is unique in British politics. The Liberal Democrats are the only party who thought to put democracy in our name; and the significance wasn’t lost on us. We stand outwardly for democratic ideals, but we also govern ourselves by the most democratic of means; genuine, open debate.

So when you see ldconf on the news, you hear a snippet of Nick Clegg’s speech on Monday or Vince Cable’s on Wednesday, please don’t automatically switch off. Give it a chance, and have a listen, you are witnessing something unique and important.

Especially so now we are making a difference for the country in government.

* with a little wiggle room for front benchers in tight corners; we don’t specify every tax change and every service requirement.

Oh those Unions…

Monday, September 13th, 2010

Another post about unions straight away?! I’m sorry, but this one was important.

Striking against the government

So, unions are currently mobilising at the TUC to strike against the government. Now I know that being allowed to strike is a human right, and I am not asking to change the law here to change that. But I do want to draw a distinction between striking against a private company and the government, because I think they are fundamentally different.

When you strike against a company because, for example, you want higher wages or to stop someone being sacked, you are trying to change the behaviour of the company. The company is controlled by the shareholders, so you are trying to change the minds of the shareholders in light of a dispute with someone else in the operational side of the company; a director. This is perfectly reasonable if you are being treated unfairly, and it is your human right to try and change the shareholders mind, going so far as to refuse to work for them anymore by striking, and ultimately resigning.

Your dispute may be with your manager, in which case the unions assistance in providing legal representation or other support is an excellent example of cooperation and organisation, and should lead to an improvement in the organisation, by a change of manager behaviour or their resignation. This is symmetrical with the private sector and at least one reason why public sector unions should exist.

But translate the rest of this to the public sector. If your objection is to redundancies ordered by elected officials the situation is different. The country elects representatives and from these the government is drawn; they have the authority of the people (for a limited time). You may not have voted for them, and you may disagree with what they are doing, but they rightly have the power to run the country as they see fit, changing their mind according to circumstances, because they won.

If you try and defy them; that is to get them to change their behaviour by some means not available to everyone, then you aren’t a democrat, and are ignoring the will of the people.

Newspapers are just talking; everyone can publish literature or set up a website. Protesters are just talking louder; everyone has the right to march on Parliament. Strikers are trying to change government policy by coercion, and wasting everyone’s money or reducing the quality of peoples’ services in the process: this is not OK!

To describe such action as a struggle against oppression is to misrepresent your argument, at least in the UK. Cutting public sector jobs (of which there are currently a lot, you must concede) is one way of governing. It is perfectly legal, and rational according to a mainstream nonviolent political theory, i.e. small-state toryism. It is not oppression. You might not like it, you might say it will hurt the economy, you might object to the government sacking people, but ultimately it is not oppression; your objection is political.

To take your argument further, saying that the Left should always have a veto over the right via public sector trade union strikes is undemocratic, and I object to everything that is undemocratic. It also leads me on to the next part of my argument:

The politicisation of Trade Unionism

BA’s employees struck while Labour were still in power. This might indicate that trade unions care about real issues, and will always represent the interests of their members consistently depending on who is in power; but it also might not. New Labour was much to the right of many of the unions, especially the leaders, and as such there was always a chance of a politically-motivated strike.

But it was not until the Tory prime minister was safely in Downing Street that their conference announced coordinated strike action between 3 huge public sector unions over “the coalition’s cuts”. Never mind that they were Labour’s cuts too, as said Alistair Darling.

This is (not Labour but) the Left’s trump card; this is why they are never out of power. They always have the power to stop the trains and tube or massively decrease NHS coverage for a few days at a time. One of the BBC’s unions is even going to strike during the Tory Conference.

Seriously, this is too much. These people might be elected by trade union members, although if they’re like every other political club that will be ‘whoever turned up,’ but they weren’t elected by me. They are clearly acting for political reasons instead of representing the real interests of their members.

In conclusion, if public sector trade unions want to be allowed strike, they need to let me, and all the less left wing people who vote Tory or UKIP, have a vote somewhere along the line as well.

Otherwise they are as bad as an army who depose the leader if they don’t like the election result; something that is the opposite of democracy.